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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">msi</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Современная наука и инновации</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Modern Science and Innovations</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2307-910X</issn><publisher><publisher-name>North-Caucasus Federal University</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.37493/2307-910X.2025.3.19</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">msi-1799</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ НАУКИ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>POLITICAL SCIENCES</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Транзитная геополитика США в отношении Панамского канала: реализация через потенциал принудительной дипломатии</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>US transit geopolitics towards the Panama Canal: implementation through the potential of coercive diplomacy</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Магомедов</surname><given-names>А. К.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Magomedov</surname><given-names>A. K.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Арбахан Курбанович Магомедов, доктор политических наук, главный научный сотрудник и профессор кафедры зарубежного регионоведения и внешней политики; профессор кафедры зарубежного регионоведения; Член экспертного совета ВАК по политологии</p><p>Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Arbahan K. Magomedov, PhD, Senior Researcher and Professor of Department of Foreign Regional Studies and Foreign Relations; Professor of Department of Foreign Regional Studies  </p><p>Moscow</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">armagomedov@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Соколова</surname><given-names>И. Н.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Sokolova</surname><given-names>I. N.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Ирина Николаевна Соколова, кандидат филологических наук, доцент, зав. кафедрой</p><p>Ульяновск</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Irina N. Sokolova, PhD, Candidate of Philological Sciences, Associate Professor, Head of the Department of English Linguistics and Translation</p><p>Moscow</p></bio><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-2"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Российский государственный гуманитарный университет; Московский государственный лингвистический университет</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Russian State University for the Humanities; Moscow State Linguistic University</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff-2"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Ульяновсий государственный университет</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Ulyanovsk State University</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2025</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>26</day><month>01</month><year>2026</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>3</issue><fpage>178</fpage><lpage>184</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Магомедов А.К., Соколова И.Н., 2026</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2026</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Магомедов А.К., Соколова И.Н.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Magomedov A.K., Sokolova I.N.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://msi.elpub.ru/jour/article/view/1799">https://msi.elpub.ru/jour/article/view/1799</self-uri><abstract><p>Введение. В статье рассматривается вопрос, и ответ на него, почему инфраструктурный ресурс и торгово-транспортные объекты стали одним из важнейших приоритетов американской внешней политики в отношении Западного полушария в 2025 г.? Материалы и методы. В центре исследования – драматический процесс реализации принудительной дипломатии американского политического класса в отношении Панамского канала. Результаты и обсуждение. Для лучшего понимания того, почему Панамский канал оказался в центре геополитической дискуссии, инициированной новой администрацией президента Дональда Трампа, авторы обратились к познавательному потенциалу транзитной геополитики. Заключение. Показано, какие политические интересы и какие эгоистические стимулы подпитывают принудительную политику США в отношении китайских позиций в Западном полушарии.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Introduction. The article provides an answer to the question of why infrastructure resources and trade and transport facilities have become one of the most important priorities of American foreign policy towards the Western Hemisphere in 2025? Materials and methods. The study focuses on the dramatic process of implementing the coercive diplomacy of the American political class in relation to the Panama Canal. Results and discussion. To better understand why the Panama Canal found itself at the center of the geopolitical discussion initiated by the new administration of President Donald Trump the authors turned to the cognitive potential of transit geopolitics. Conclusion. It demonstrates what political interests and what selfish incentives fuel the US coercive policy towards Chinese positions in the Western Hemisphere.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>транзитная геополитика</kwd><kwd>президент Трамп</kwd><kwd>принудительная внешняя политика</kwd><kwd>Панамский канал</kwd><kwd>инфраструктура</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>transit geopolitics</kwd><kwd>President Trump</kwd><kwd>coercive foreign policy</kwd><kwd>Panama Canal</kwd><kwd>infrastructure</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Sim D. Why Panama’s belt and road exit is just the start of Trump’s ‘weak link’ plan for China // South China Morning. 2025. February 7. 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